With People like Case And Deanna, There is Hope Yet For America
Dedicated to the American people with the hope that they will — before it is too late — acquire the necessary knowledge, judiciousness and resolve to reestablish control over the governance of their sham democracy so as to avoid the self-destruction of the American nation. In the unlikelihood of their managing to do so, then they will not only have rendered the rest of humanity a great service, but they might also become the exemplary people and beacon of light democracy that in their delusion they wholeheartedly believe they are. Undertaking such a momentous task, however, will not be easy and they could do no better than to start off by heeding the words of a true American patriot — who unlike the majority of elected politicians on Capitol Hill — never betrayed his country for the proverbial thirty pieces of silver. The following excerpts are from former Senator William J. Fulbright’s The Arrogance of Power, Random House, 1966.
America is the most fortunate of nations — fortunate in her rich territory, fortunate in having had a century of relative peace in which to develop that territory, fortunate in her diverse and talented population, fortunate in the institutions devised by the founding fathers and in the wisdom of those who have adapted those institutions to a changing world. For the most part America has made good use of her blessings, especially in her internal life but also in her foreign relations. Having done so much and succeeded so well, America is now at that historical point at which a great nation is in danger of losing its perspective on what exactly is within the realm of its power and what is beyond it. Other great nations, reaching this critical juncture, have aspired to too much, and by overextension of effort have declined and then fallen.
The causes of the malady are not entirely clear but its recurrence is one of the uniformities of history: power tends to confuse itself with virtue and a great nation is peculiarly susceptible to the idea that its power is a sign of God's favour, conferring upon it a special responsibility for other nations — to make them richer and happier and wiser, to remake them, that is, in its own shining image. Power confuses itself with virtue and tends also to take itself for omnipotence. Once imbued with the idea of a mission, a great nation easily assumes that it has the means as well as the duty to do God's work. The Lord, after all, surely would not choose you as His agent and then deny you the sword with which to work His will. German soldiers in the First World War wore belt buckles imprinted with the words “Gott mit uns.” It was approximately under this kind of infatuation — an exaggerated sense of power and an imaginary sense of mission — that the Athenians attacked Syracuse and Napoleon and that Hitler invaded Russia. In plain words, they overextended their commitments and they came to grief.
I do not think for a moment that America, with her deeply rooted democratic traditions, is likely to embark upon a campaign to dominate the world in the manner of a Hitler or Napoleon. What I do fear is that she may be drifting into commitments which, though generous and benevolent in intent, are so far-reaching as to exceed even America's great capacities. At the same time, it is my hope — and I emphasise it because it underlies all of the criticisms and proposals to be made in these pages — that America will escape those fatal temptations of power which have ruined other great nations and will instead confine herself to doing only that good in the world which she can do, both by direct effort and by the force of her own example.
The stakes are high indeed: they include not only America's continued greatness but nothing less than the survival of the human race in an era when, for the first time in human history, a living generation has the power of veto over the survival of the next.
If America has a service to perform in the world and I believe it has it is in large part the service of its own example. In our excessive involvement in the affairs of other countries, we are not only living off our assets and denying our own people the proper enjoyment of their resources; we are also denying the world the example of a free society enjoying its freedom to the fullest. This is regrettable indeed for a nation that aspires to teach democracy to other nations, because, as Burke said, “Example is the school of mankind, and they will learn at no other.”
There are many respects in which America, if it can bring itself to act with the magnanimity and the empathy appropriate to its size and power, can be an intelligent example to the world. We have the opportunity to set an example of generous understanding in our relations with China, of practical cooperation for peace in our relations with Russia, of reliable and respectful partnership in our relations with Western Europe, of material helpfulness without moral presumption in our relations with the developing nations, of abstention from the temptations of hegemony in our relations with Latin America, and of the all-around advantages of minding one's own business in our relations with everybody. Most of all, we have the opportunity to serve as an example of democracy to the world by the way in which we run our own society; America, in the words of John Quincy Adams, should be “the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all’ but ‘the champion and vindicator only of her own.”
If we can bring ourselves so to act, we will have overcome the dangers of the arrogance of power. It will involve, no doubt, the loss of certain glories, but that seems a price worth paying for the probable rewards, which are the happiness of America and the peace of the world.
One of the misfortunes of living in London is that periodically one will meet American visitors who are mostly arrogant, bombastic, corpulent, disagreeable, egregious, fraudulent, garrulous, ignorant, and there is no need to go through the whole alphabet which ends with zombies who have been brainwashed into believing that Zionist Apartheid Israel is America’s greatest ally. Anyway, the reason for my rehashing the above dedication from my book is that most weeks after enduring the struggle of trying to write my next tedious tome, I abandon my laptop and catch a bus to my favourite seafood restaurant just off Piccadilly Circus where I take my usual seat at the Oyster Bar.
Yesterday, shortly after I had downed my first glass or two of wine (maybe three), some Americans arrived and sat next to me who in due course I learnt were the charismatic Case, the adorable Deanna, their perspicacious — I am not sure what that means but it sounds appropriate — son, and his delightful girlfriend. Without a single word being spoken, I was immediately overcome by an aura of humanity that was loaded with genuine and unpretentious cordiality. I was stunned. Were these lovely people really from America: let alone Texas? Impossible! They spoke quietly in friendly and sincere tones. Americans? No way!
But not only were Case and Deanna Americans, they were also endearing people for whom warmth towards their fellow human beings was genuine and unconditional. It was extremely difficult to believe that such congenial people could come from a U.S. that claimed to be the hallmark for democracy when in reality it was an oligarchy where the President, the Senate, and the Congress forsook the interests of the American people and instead kowtowed to a Jewish lobby led by the infamous American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC): a pack of aid-sucking leeches bent on pushing the U.S. into fighting more wars in the Middle East — without Israel ever committing a single Israeli Defence Force soldier — so as to divide and and fragment neighbouring Arab nations to facilitate the creation of a greater Israel.
I have no doubt that in the U.S. there are many more people like Case and Deanna and one can only hope that they will determine to take back the governance of their country from the clutches of a parasitic foreign power that has fuelled a U.S. Political Corporate Military Industrial Empire into becoming voraciously dependent on continual military conflicts at great cost to Americans in particular, and to all humanity in general.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Farewell Address 1961
There has never been a greater opportunity for decent, responsible American people to send a clear message — regarding the nuclear agreement with Iran — to the AIPAC-controlled Congress that Israel must no longer be allowed to place its own interests before those of, and at the expense of, the American people. The AIPAC-led Jewish lobby has plans to spend upwards to $100 million on opposing the deal.
There are 20 million ads up right now in districts to put pressure on members of Congress . . . They’re feeling it. I am meeting these members of Congress. And they don’t really buy the arguments of the opponents. But I can tell when they start getting squishy.
President Barack Obama
This month the American Israel Education Foundation (AIEF), the educational wing of the hardline right-wing pro-Israel lobbying organisation AIPAC, is taking all but three freshmen members of Congress on a tour of Israel, in hopes of turning them against the Iran nuclear deal. Such subversion of the U.S. democratic process constitutes nothing less than an act of war on the American people who being brainwashed by a pro-Israel mainstream media, have with their tax dollars acquiescently financed (up to $4.5 billion in aid to Israel) the takeover of their government and surrendered all their democratic rights. I do not believe in the existence of a God, but just in case I am wrong, I shall pray that decent Americans like Case and Deanna will regain control of what could be a truly democratic example to the rest of the world. Amen.