An excerpt on Israel’s Mossad, Its Activities, Assassinations, False Flag Operations, And Subversion
Rue de Rosiers, Paris
The weather In Paris was dry but overcast with a temperature of around 40°F and the Rue de Rosiers was as usual bustling with its falafel establishments doing brisk business and the biggest and most boisterous of them boasting a queue of well over a hundred people. The time was just after 12:30 p.m. when not far away on the Rue de Rivoli, Aziz Gharbi and his brother Rachid sitting behind him were riding westwards on their Japanese scooter. After passing Saint-Paul Metro station they turned right and northwards onto Rue Pavée, past the synagogue which was being guarded by three heavily armed French soldiers, and then turned left and westwards onto the Rue des Rosiers. Both had their helmet visors pulled down and were clad in jumpers, jeans, black leather driving gloves, trainers, and navy blue trench coats. They had deliberately bought continental size 56 coats — instead of their actual size 46 — and had removed the right hand pocket linings so that they could thrust their hands through and grasp the pistol grips of the VZ58 assault rifles that were slung around their necks and hidden underneath their coats with steel stocks folded.
When they got to about halfway along the queue outside the falafel restaurant, they stopped, flipped aside the lower parts of their partially unbuttoned coats, shouted “Allahu Akbar,” and with the gun barrels resting in their left hands, opened fire on the wall of huddled people in the queue who being only a couple of metres away with no cover or means of escape, panicked with uncontrollable hysteria. Consequently at almost point-blank range the 7.62x39mm calibre bullets tore into their defenceless bodies causing lacerations and wounds as they crushed and pushed aside anything in their way while simultaneously creating cavities 30 times wider which in less than a second closed behind the bullets’ path of penetration whose shock waves also damaged nearby tissues, organs and bones. The calamitous chaos, the desperate cries of the wounded and dying, and the strewn bloodstained bodies resembled the aftermath of a battlefield. After expending all 60 rounds of their first magazine in a matter of seconds, the brothers — inculcated with the same fanatical hatred that most Israeli Jews reserved for the Palestinian people — quickly reloaded with their second magazine which they also emptied before speeding off to more shouts of “Allahu Akbar” and veering right and northwards towards the Rue des Francs Bourgeois to make good their escape.
The gunfire and terrified shrieks had been heard around the corner by the three soldiers who after momentarily hesitating decided that one of them would remain on guard at the synagogue while the other two ran to investigate. As they turned into the Rue des Rosiers they were confronted by a carnage that illustrated the satanic depravity pervading much of humanity: an unspeakable depravity that gloried in mindless and destructive violence. It mattered not what nationality or religion the victims were because irrespective of who or what they were, people the world over — misinformed and aroused by the West’s mainstream media’s hypocritical histrionics — would give vent to their moral indignation with double standard condemnation of Islamic terrorism while conveniently forgetting the crimes against humanity instigated by Western governments against millions of Muslim civilians in places, to name but a few, such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen. It was the late British politician Tony Benn who sagaciously observed that “there is no moral difference between a stealth bomber and a suicide bomber. Both kill innocent people for political reasons.”
Meanwhile at the corner of Rue des Francs Bourgeois, the brothers had abandoned their scooter — which had been specifically selected, periodically checked on in its parking spot, and then stolen the previous day — and walked briskly around the corner to where as prearranged Malek would be waiting for them in the also stolen white panel van. They climbed in through the van’s back doors which Rachid shut behind them while Aziz went forward to knock on the back of the driver’s cabin to let Malek know that they were on board and that he could drive off.
Unbeknown to them, however, Malek was not in the driver’s seat, but some 100 metres behind them waiting and watching from the corner of the Rue Vieille du Temple with a mobile phone held in his left hand. On seeing the brothers get into the van, he immediately dialled the fatal number resulting in the van and its occupants being violently blown apart and engulfed in dense cloud of smoke and rising flames. The reasoning behind the plan was that the authorities would consequently conclude that the brothers had accidentally detonated the bomb themselves. As Malek turned and walked away from the scene of the devastation, he did so with another rush of adrenalin and the satisfied certainty that flying shrapnel from the explosion would cause secondary damage to nearby vehicles, buildings, and innocent bystanders while the Gharbi brothers would be on their way to meet with Satan in hell.
The Arab Quarter, Paris
It took Malek Bennabi about 45 minutes to get back to his Arab Quarter studio apartment where he immediately followed his usual procedure of ensuring that everything was as he had left it and that there was no sign of anyone having been there while he was out. As he was still pumped up from repeated rushes of adrenalin that had accompanied his detonation of the bomb and his subsequent rapid departure from the scene, he took several long, deep breaths to help him calm down before taking off his coat, throwing it on the bed, and switching on the television. News of the shootings was already dominating most channels who described the attack as a massacre and reported the disbelief and panic that followed the carnage caused by the militants including a car bomb which police were still investigating.
Malek curbed the urge to applaud and instead went to the small kitchen where with joyous anticipation he took down a wineglass from the overhead cupboard, opened the fridge, smiled, and took out the half bottle of champagne which he had bought specially to celebrate the success of his first major operation in Europe. He popped the cork, poured, and allowed the first bubbly and satisfying sip to swirl around his mouth. While alcohol was of course forbidden to Muslims, in Malek’s case this was not a problem because he was not a Muslim.
Despite his hard-earned credentials as an Arab pro-Palestinian activist, Marek Bennabi was neither Algerian nor Muslim, but in fact an Israeli born Jew of Iranian descent whose family, like some 60,000 other Iranian Jews, had emigrated to Israel and North America following the 1979 Islamic Revolution — led by the supreme religious and political leader, the Ayatollah Khomeini (1902 - 1989) — that toppled the government of U.S. puppet Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi.
Malek’s parents had chosen to live on a hardcore settlement deep inside the Israeli-occupied West Bank where he was born in 1984. By the time he had turned 16, Malek had become involved with a group of boys whose restless disenchantment was subsequently given purpose years later following Israel’s 2005 disengagement from the Palestinian territory of Gaza which it had been occupying and had since persisted in blockading as an alternate form of occupation. The government’s forceful evacuation of some 8,600 Jewish settlers — the majority of whom resisted nonviolently — led to a generational split amongst the settler movement because while settler elders had vowed that God himself would prevent the Jewish state’s army from forcing them to give up their settlements in what they regarded as being the biblical Land of Israel, the youngsters felt betrayed by their elders when God failed to deliver on that promise.
So while some of them including yeshiva dropouts and girls roamed the hills of the West Bank, others had become students of Rabbi Yitzchak Ginsburgh of Od Yosef Chai yeshiva in Yitzhar. Ginsburgh — a prominent scholar of Kabbalah and a member of the Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic movement — who had attracted that disillusioned younger generation of Jewish radicals by devising a devilish ideological concoction comprising of mystical admonitions to live in nature and Kabbalah-based rationales for Jewish racial superiority and violence against Arabs.
Ginsburgh’s racist ideology was reinforced by two other prominent Od Yosef Chai rabbis whose 2010 book The King’s Torah read like a rabbinic instruction manual for scenarios where the killing of non-Jewish babies, children and adults, was quite acceptable because the prohibition of “thou shalt not murder” applied only “to a Jew who kills a Jew.” Furthermore non-Jews were dispassionate “by nature” so that assaults on them would “curb their evil inclination,” with it being permissible to kill the infants and children of Israel’s enemies, since “it is clear that they will grow to harm us.”
Now known as the hilltop youths — and living away from their parents on surrounding hilltop settlements — these young radical Jewish settlers in their teens and early 20s were responsible for the so-called “price tag attacks” against Palestinians, Arab-Israelis, Christians, left-wing Israeli Jews, the Israeli police, and Israeli Defence Force. The group’s main objective was to “exact a price” from either the local Palestinians or from the Israeli security forces for any action taken which may compromise or oppose Jewish settlement activity.
Price tag attacks had included acts of vandalism directed mainly against Palestinians with attacks on their villages and property in retaliation for Palestinian resistance and for the Israeli government’s demolition of structures in Jewish West Bank settlements and the removal of outposts which were either unauthorised or illegal. The group also targeted the Israeli army and security services, Christian and Muslim places of worship, and left-wing organisations that criticised the settler movement. B’Tselem — whose stated objectives were to document human rights violations in the occupied territories while combatting denial and helping to create a human rights culture in Israel — had documented many such acts with random violence including attacks against Palestinian civilians, burning of mosques and fields, stone throwing, uprooting trees, and raiding Palestinian villages and agricultural land.
Despite having missed out on becoming a hilltop youth, Malek Bennabi's upbringing — like that of most Israeli Jewish children — had nonetheless included an avid inculcation of a hatred for Arab Palestinians coupled with a jingoistic military indoctrination that included being taught the use of weapons at a very early age. In his book You Gentiles, Maurice Samuel, the Romanian-born Zionist Jew, provided a penetrating analysis of the Jewish psyche while making the important point that Jews were altogether so superior and spiritually advanced compared to gentiles that there was no possibility of coexistence between the two groups. Due to the baser nature of the gentiles, and the reality that they did not revere God as seriously as the Jews, it was inevitable that Jews and gentiles would be at loggerheads for ever. Samuel also stressed that “we Jews, we the destroyers, will remain the destroyers forever. Nothing that you will do will meet our needs and demands. We will forever destroy, because we need a world of our own, a God-world, which it is not in your nature to build.”
Unfortunately in building a “God-world of their own” with the consistent establishment of illegal settlements in the West Bank, Israel had been violating the laws of occupation. The Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits an occupying power from transferring its citizens into the territory it occupies and from transferring or displacing the population of an occupied territory within or outside the territory. The Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the International Criminal Court, established the court’s jurisdiction over war crimes including the crimes of transfer of parts of the civilian population of an occupying power into an occupied territory, and the forcible transfer of the population of an occupied territory.
Israel’s confiscation of land, water, and other natural resources for the benefit of settlements and residents of Israel also violated the Hague Regulations of 1907, which prohibit an occupying power from expropriating the resources of occupied territory for its own benefit. Furthermore, Israel’s settlement project violated international human rights law, in particular, Israel’s discriminatory policies against Palestinians that govern virtually every aspect of life in the area of the West Bank under Israel’s exclusive control, known as Area C, and that forcibly displace Palestinians while encouraging the growth of Jewish settlements. Though the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes committed in or from the territory of the State of Palestine, it had so far failed to do so.
Bennabi’s transition from an Arab Palestinian-hating settler youth steeped in the religious Zionist ideology that encouraged illegal settlement, to an Arab Palestinian-killing Israeli warrior enforcing the occupation through ethnic cleansing, was facilitated by three years military service with the IDF which also offered an escape to horizons beyond the restrictive limits of orthodox settlement life. After completion of his military service, Bennabi had applied to join Mossad “to see the invisible and do the impossible” and was in due course accepted.
Mossad had its beginnings following the end of the British Mandate in 1948 and the establishment of the State of Israel in Palestine. Among the various government agencies to emerge was an intelligence and security unit called the Sherut Yedioth (information Service) or simply Shay. Shay, which as Haganah ― the intelligence arm of the Zionist terrorist paramilitary force during the time of the British Mandate ― had begun operating on a worldwide basis when the Jewish Agency was founded in 1929 at the Zionist Congress in Zurich, Switzerland. The Jewish Agency ― which was then comprised of Zionists and non-Zionists including a substantial number of American Jews but was effectively under Zionist control ― while having been ostensibly created to aid and sustain Jewish communities in Palestine, actually served as a cover for Shay’s extension of covert operations in Western Europe and the United States.
Shay's objectives between 1923 and 1948, were to promote the establishment of an independent Jewish state; to penetrate Mandatory installations in order to keep the Zionist leadership informed about British viewpoints and planned future actions; to gather political intelligence that would be useful for Zionist propaganda; to infiltrate Arab and anti-Zionist organisations in Palestine and neighbouring nations; to monitor and control all extremist Jewish groups in Palestine and abroad; to provide security for smuggled arms and the illegal immigration programs; and to obtain information about Nazi Germany so as to provide security for Jewish underground and escape channels throughout Europe before, during, and after World War Two.
The service components of the Shay organisation included Political Intelligence; Counterespionage and Internal Security; Military Intelligence; Police Branch of Military Intelligence; and Naval Intelligence and Security, which all worked independently on behalf of the different ministries to which they were attached. The independence of these various service units ― with all of them represented in the main West European capitals ― coupled with postwar chaos, inevitably meant that they often acted independently and competed amongst each other.
By April 1951, the Israeli Prime Minister and cabinet ― profoundly concerned by the prevalent covetousness, mutual mistrust, and escalating costs of uncoordinated efforts between the service units ― decided on a complete overhaul of Israel's intelligence and security community. Consequently, under the forceful direction of Reuven Shiloah, the services were reorganised according to functions and responsibilities with an established mechanism to coordinate operations. The Naval Intelligence and the Security Service were integrated; the embryonic air intelligence unit became a part of Military Intelligence; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs retained Research Division; Shin Bet remained intact apart from internal changes; and the Political Intelligence Service became independent from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was reorganised as the Secret Intelligence Service or Mossad.
Mossad’s initial principal objectives had included targeting the Arab states with regards to their capabilities and intentions toward Israel; their relations with the USSR and other major powers; their official facilities and representatives throughout the world; their leaders and their internal and inter-Arab politics; general morale, military preparedness, unit formations, and equipment for the military forces; obtaining information on secret U.S. policies or decisions that might affect Israel; acquiring scientific intelligence from the U.S. and other developed countries; ascertaining the nature of East European government policies toward Israel and their position on Jewish emigration; close monitoring of anti-Zionist activity throughout the world; and getting political and economic intelligence in other areas of possible interest such as in Africa. Extra special efforts were also made to counter Arab propaganda and to neutralise anti-Zionist activity. More recently, extra operational activity ― covert political, economic and paramilitary action programs ― had been devoted to combating Arab terrorism which was the result of Israel’s illegal and repressive occupation of the Palestinian Territories.
The main thrust of Mossad’s activity was concerned with the acquisition of positive foreign intelligence, the initiation of robust political action, and the employment of ruthless counterterrorist operations. Mossad’s acquisition of positive intelligence required conducting agent operations against Arab nations, their official representatives, and their installations throughout the world with particular emphasis on Western Europe and the U.S. where Arab national interests in the Near East were in conflict with those of Israel. Collection of information was not only on the disposition, morale, armaments, equipment and quality of leadership of every Arab Army that may become involved in future conflicts, but also on Arab commercial activity regarding the purchase of Western weaponry and the recruitment of economic, military, and political experts. As to the Arab recruitment of experts, Mossad endeavoured to recruit such experts as Israeli intelligence agents or at least dissuade them from either helping the Arabs or to establish their precise functions.
Another Mossad responsibility was to instigate squabbles and rancour amongst the Arabs so as to reduce Western sympathy for them; to monitor and counteract Arab propaganda; to detect and thwart Arab terrorism; and go on the offensive against terrorists especially in the Near East and Western Europe. Having a mixed Christian, Druze and Moslem population consequently made Lebanon an attractive arena for Israel’s mischievous intelligence and military operations where covert assets were employed to assist with mounting paramilitary and executive action operations against Palestinian terrorist leaders, personnel, and installations in Lebanon. Israel also provided support ― as was the case in the Sabra and Shatila massacre of Palestinian refugees ― for Christian rightists in the Lebanese civil war.
In addition to its operations against the Arabs, Mossad acquired economic, political, and scientific intelligence in both the Eastern and Western worlds with a view to protecting the State of Israel and Zionism in particular, and Jews in general. Counterintelligence efforts ― including the use of tactics to silence anti-Israel criticism and factions in the West ― were concentrated in the Soviet Union, the United States, Europe, and at the United Nations where negative policy decisions could hinder Israel’s Zionist goals.
Malek Bennabi did not particularly enjoy the initial stages of his training which for officer candidates incorporated a compulsory Basic Operations course for recruits and lower ranking personnel; an Operations course; and a Field Operations course. Completion of the entire training program took almost two years and was usually given to classes of around twelve recruits. Most of the training occurred within Tel Aviv and surrounding areas with a combination of instructors consisting of some on permanent assignment, intelligence officers on temporary tours of duty, and personnel from headquarters including the Director of Mossad and department directors, who occasionally gave lectures on their areas of expertise.
An advanced services school in Jerusalem offered specialised two to three month courses on world political affairs, Israel's economic and political objectives, newly developed technical operational aids, and up to date information on foreign intelligence services. Some of the younger officer recruits ― who were not up to scratch in certain areas of higher education or languages ― were sent to universities abroad, where their pursuit of advanced degrees also served as cover for their extracurricular Mossad activities. One of the established requirements for Mossad intelligence officers was fluency in Arabic with a nine-month, intensive Arabic language course being available. Mossad officers who were destined for Arab operations received further training with work in the Administered Territories ― such as the Sinai where they combined running the of Bedouin agents into Egypt with Military Intelligence ― for several years so as to sharpen their language skills before being posted abroad.
Other tasks of vital importance for Mossad were its establishment of special relationships with both highly-placed individuals and government offices in every country of importance to Israel; liaising with Zionists and other sympathisers ― who could support Israeli intelligence efforts ― within Jewish communities throughout the world; carefully grooming such contacts to serve as channels for information, disinformation, propaganda, and other functions; directing covert operations throughout Africa, Europe, the Far East including South East Asia, the Near East, North America, and South America. Covert operations were generally conducted through official and semiofficial Israeli establishments, deep cover companies and organisations of which some were especially created or adapted for specific objectives, and infiltration of non-Zionist national and international Jewish organisations such as the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN).
Responsibilities for intelligence officers working under cover of diplomatic establishments was to facilitate exchange of information with local service officials, manage communications, provide accommodation addresses and finance channels, and identify targets of interest for agents. Official organisations used for cover included Israeli Purchasing Missions, Israeli Government Tourism, El Al and Zim offices (shipping agents), Israeli construction companies, industrial groups, and international trade organisations. For activities in which the Israeli Government can never admit involvement, use was made of deep cover or illegal individuals who employed a more subtle and distant approach infiltrating their targets. This was particularly true in Arab countries because many Israelis had come from Arab countries where they were born and raised and consequently appeared more Arab than Israeli in attitude, demeanour, and speech. By providing well researched backgrounds and CVs, forged passports and identity papers of Arab and Western nations, Mossad had managed to successfully operate with agents in Arab nations with Israelis disguised and documented as Arabs or citizens from European nations.
Because of Israel’s Law of “Return” there was no shortage of Jewish emigrants to Israel with both language skills and knowledge of their former countries of residence who could be useful to Mossad in helping to analyse intelligence information that would contribute to the overall operational efficiency of its agents. Such people were equally useful for passing themselves off as citizens of their respective nations of origin with the assistance of Israel’s penchant for counterfeiting and forging identity documents.
Mossad was also dependent on a variety of Jewish communities and organisations overseas for the recruitment of agents and the gathering of relevant information. Zionism’s aggressive ideology ― which stressed that all Jews belonged to Israel where they must return ― had created some difficulty for getting support for Mossad’s intelligence operations from anti-Zionist Jews, but this had been mostly countered by ensuring that Mossad agents operated with discreet and utmost tact within Jewish communities so as to avoid either embarrassment or repercussions to Israel.
One important role played by Mossad was to assist Israel to quickly accelerate development of its technological, scientific, and military capabilities by exploiting scientific exchange programs with naive and trusting nations such as the United States. Apart from the overt large-scale acquisition of published scientific papers and technical journals from all over the world, Israel also devoted considerable intelligence resources to covertly obtain scientific and technical information by gaining access to various classified defence projects in the United States and other Western nations.
Another major Mossad target for infiltration ― using diplomatic and journalistic cover ― was the United Nations which not only sponsored international exchanges in all fields, but was also of importance in the settlement of disputes between Israel and Arab nations. Agent recruitment was almost exclusively from people of Jewish origin despite the occasional conflict between individual dedication to the Zionist State of Israel and loyalty to a Jewish homeland. Recruitment of Gentiles was a comparative rarity.
Assistance from Arabs ― whether directly or indirectly ― was usually due to some financial inducement which caused the Israelis to regard such sources as being unreliable. Mossad found it easier to recruit Palestinians over whom they had more control either because of unjustly imprisoned relatives under Administrative detention orders, or of bank assets frozen by Israel following the Nabka in 1948. In such cases the release of relatives or bank assets was made in exchange for providing information or other assistance to Mossad. The agency was also always ready to exploit any weakness or motivation of potential agents or collaborators with blackmail, bribery, and bullying being standard methods of persuasion; by taking advantage of vulnerabilities such as fear, jealousy, rivalry, and political dissension; and even by false-flag recruitment tactics whereby citizens of Western European nations under the cover of a national NATO intelligence organisations are employed for operations in Arab target countries.
Following intensive evaluations of his suitability as a clandestine combatant during a two-year training period, Malek had initially been sent to Beirut in March 2012 and by October of that year had successfully completed his first assignment with the car bomb explosion — in a majority Christian neighbourhood — that killed eight people and wounded 118 including the head of the Information Branch of Lebanon's Internal Security Forces, who was the actual target of the deadly attack. Angry crowds had taken to the streets blocking the main roads leading into Western Beirut with burning tires to protest the assassination. Clashes had ensued on the dividing line between Sunni and Alawite neighbourhoods in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli resulting in security forces being dispatched to restore order. As had been the intention of the bombing, former Lebanese Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri accused Syrian president Assad of orchestrating the assassination. It was the the assassination of Saad’s father and former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri that sparked the 2005 Cedar Revolution which demanded the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon and an end to Syria’s meddling in Lebanon’s affairs.
The explosive-laden car’s blast had rocked the city’s Sassine Square in the predominately Christian Ashrafieh neighbourhood during rush hour when many students were leaving school. At least seven cars had been set on fire by the blast and many more were damaged by falling bricks and masonry with considerable damage to the surrounding buildings. Human body parts were scattered on the roads and the wounded included children. The operation was part of a much wider campaign to blame Syria and fuel its ongoing multi-sided armed conflict with international interventions that had started the previous year within the context of the of the Arab Spring. Nationwide protests against President Bashar al-Assad’s government had been met with violent crackdowns by the armed forces. The unrest developed from mass protests to sectarian conflicts with Alawite-dominated government forces, militias and various Shia groups, fighting primarily against Sunni-dominated rebel groups resulting in the country’s destruction.
After being withdrawn from Beirut, Malek was sent from Tel Aviv to London — with a genuine Israeli passport bearing his real name of Barak Golestan — for four weeks to familiarise himself with the the city and its Muslim community before making the two and a half hour journey on the Eurostar to Paris through the Channel Tunnel with a cloned British passport of an Algerian living in London’s Stoke Newington. The forged passport was given to Malek by a Mossad agent operating from within the Israeli Embassy and its details had been illegally obtained by a sayan from that city’s Jewish community of more than 172,000 who were mostly of European descent. Malek’s assignment for Paris was to find accommodation, employment, and to infiltrate the Arab community, but to initially remain as a sleeper agent with no immediate mission in mind. His patience had finally been rewarded some months earlier when he had been put in contact with Pierre who as an experienced katza was to direct a false flag operation involving an attack on an ostensibly Jewish target which would attract negative media attention and create White French population hostility towards North African Muslim emigrant communities. Malek, who was now satisfied with the operation’s success and was anticipating with relish his next assignment, was not a religious person with a belief in a God who had promised Palestine to the Jewish people, he just took a sadistic pleasure from being what he was and doing what he did, which was to cause death and destruction with his government’s surreptitious sanction and support.